We spend more on healthcare than others,
but our outcomes are generally no better, often worse. I’d suggest the same could be said about our
foreign affairs, often accompanied by military action. Don’t get me wrong, we have great, often
leading edge, medicine and remain the most powerful nation on the globe. But so much of what we do internationally,
especially what may best be described as our “adventures” abroad, fail to
achieve their stated or implied goals. Often
those goals shift with the wind or are never clearly defined.
On
August 14th, Secretary John Kerry spoke at the reopening of our Havana embassy. Part his speech was delivered in Spanish,
something not many of his predecessors could (or in some cases would) do. Watching the symbolic end of one of our most inane
policy standstills, I couldn’t help thinking about our all too often-hapless foreign
policy over my lifetime. Perhaps Jeb
Bush’s preposterous blaming Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama for the mess in
the Middle East a few days earlier had already started me on that track.
As a superpower,
our world reach is undeniable, though not unprecedented. Perhaps we don’t rule an empire in the sense that
did the Romans, Ottomans, Spaniards, French or English, but these are different
times. What’s most remarkable,
especially in the post WW II age, is how very inept and, in many cases,
shortsighted our foreign policy has been.
Why is that?
I think
geography plays a significant role, certainly on our mindset. Surrounded by two vast oceans, we have been
largely untouched by foreign invasion or even immediate and regularized contact
with others. That has left us with somewhat
of an island, even provincial, mentality.
The curiosity of a State Secretary speaking Spanish underscores how few
of us are conversant in other languages, or need to be. Driving from Chapel Hill to New York, I pass
through six states knowing that along the way everyone speaks English. A trip of similar distance from Paris to
Prague takes one through only three states, but each with their own distinct
culture and language — French, German and Czech. Driving here from Carolina to California
(ocean to ocean) involves many more miles and states but still one language, our language. We expect immigrants to learn and speak
English — quickly.
It isn’t
only geography and language that impact on our foreign policy. We are a country that tends to focus mostly
on the immediate present, paying only lip service to history and its
perspective. We have the national
attention span of a distracted child or an adult with onset dementia. We seem rarely to think through the
consequences of our actions — our leaders certainly don’t communicate risks or
any sense of realistic uncertainty or self-doubt. Equally so, despite our flexibility and
ingenuity in so many areas, we tend to hold fast to a “story” once told
oblivious to any change it might undergo.
Cuba, as the threatening Communist menace, is just such a story. Conversely, we seem to routinely switch sides
where one moment’s close friend is the next moment’s adversary. The “friend” hasn’t really changed, but the
relationship turns out to have been opportunistic rather than longstanding,
much less real.
Jeb
Bush’s critique was a classic case of throwing stones from a “glass house”, but
in truth our misadventures and culpability are bi-partisan. A Republican president, in this case brother
George, may gave gotten us into the Iraq mess — more accurately the
neighborhood mess — but Democrats Kennedy and Johnson got us bogged down in
Indochina. Lessons not learned, certainly ignored. In each case, our adventures went ary in
large measure because we didn’t (and still don’t) understand the country/neighborhood
and the critical nuances that drive its ways.
Colin Powell invoked his Pottery
Barn rule — if you break it, you own it — and it seems
that we are constantly breaking and consequently talking ownership of things
that don’t belong to us. We don’t speak
the languages and we most defiantly don’t understand the culture and ethos;
both remain profoundly “foreign” to us.
Our claim, or more accurately often excuse, is that we pursue what’s in
“our national interest”. Too often,
that’s more fiction than a reality — a different kind of story we tell others
and, perhaps worse, ourselves.
To be
sure elements of our policy are driven by self-interest. An insatiable dependence of oil to power our
inefficient cars has always loomed large in our Middle East interactions and
interventions from Iran to the Persian Gulf. But we are also often moved by the usually
short term and short sided idea that “your enemy is my enemy” even when the
momentary “friendships” that derive from it often end in disaster. We sided with what became the Taliban, indeed
facilitated their rise to power, because they were fighting the Russians. Likewise we allied ourselves with Saddam
Hussein when he was at war with the Islamic Republic of Iran. The Taliban hosted and sided with Al Qaeda
and Saddam morphed into a fabricated existential enemy. Eisenhower’s CIA helped overthrow the elected
government of Iran reinstating a brutal dictator and we wondered why those who
took their country back didn’t view us as a friend. We invaded Iraq without thinking of what
sectarian strife that was bound to unleash.
The turmoil of today in which old pent up rivalries and animosities are
playing out isn’t totally or even fundamentally our fault, but we certainly
have acted as a naive midwife.
In today’s
polarized politics, foreign policy once a unifying force has become a point of hot
contention. There have always been
so-called hawks and doves, but a shared discipline about the water’s edge. Even that is gone. It seems the only thing on which all sides
agree is that America is, as Muhammad Ali used to claim for himself, “The
Greatest”. In that context, the
supporters of even patently disastrous policies not only don’t admit to their
mistakes but also continue to support the same adventurism or stories. Those who urged us into Iraq want us to
engage in Syria, those who contributed to dangerous instability in the Middle
East want to kill the Iran agreement. On
the other hand, playing into our distaste for the body bags returning from the
front, a more dovish president orders killer drones that can be deployed from safe
places away for the dirt of the battlefield — antiseptically without shedding
our own blood.
Theodore
Roosevelt, one of our most aggressive presidents famously said,
“speak softly and carry a big stick”. Too often we seem to rely on the big stick
while giving short shrift to speaking at all.
In these instances we often conflate diplomacy and military action as if
they are one and the same, interchangeable.
If you look at the last half-century that’s exactly when we have gotten
in the most trouble, been on the shakiest ground. It isn’t a matter of not having diplomatic
skills, which we clearly do possess, but in replacing them with adventures that
have almost all dead-ended. What a
dismal track record is that? When we
pretend to engage with each other on matters of foreign policy — as we may do
during the coming election campaign — we are likely to see more posturing than
serious discussion. It will be a far cry
from Isaiah’s (1.18) invitation to “reason together”.
Without
question, there are times when military force must be employed; even times
where we should intervene on foreign soil to save lives or legitimately protect
our national interest. To claim
otherwise would be naïve, even irresponsible and dangerous. Criticizing and questioning, as I do here, is
far easier than executing. That said, heeding
Isaiah’s invitation, as a guideline for foreign affairs seems more compelling —
would produce better outcomes — than TR’s advice. His direction was flawed because “speaking
softly” and a “big stick” aren’t honest equivalents. At the least, it’s speaking so loudly (read
what Obama and others did with Iran), so that the stick need never, or rarely,
to be used. More important, as technology shrinks the
world, we’ve got to move on from our island mentality and learn some new “languages”
— ways of engaging with our now near neighbors around the globe.
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